Real-world Endowment
One of economists’ common critiques of the study of behavioral economics is the reliance on college students as a subject pool. The argument is that this population’s lack of real-world experience (like paying taxes, investing in stock, buying a house) makes them another kind of people, one that conceptualizes their decisions in altogether different ways. And although many decision-making studies in behavioral economics have shown that young adults do not act much differently than adult adults when it comes down to their core behavior (think of MDs whose diagnoses are influenced by defaults and the framing of choices, for example), the argument persists as a sweeping dismissal of using students as the main testing ground.
One area where we can test this assumption is with the endowment effect. Simply put, the endowment effect shows that we value the things we own more than identical products that we don’t own. This causes a mismatch between buyers and sellers, where buyers are often willing to spend less than the seller deems an acceptable price.
If we are to assume that consumers hold constant, well-defined preferences, this puts the stability of valuations into question. As such, the endowment effect has puzzled economists for quite some time because in principle, valuations should not be affected by ownership; if a purple hat is worth $15 to you, it should be worth $15 to you whether or not you have purchased it, and this value should remain consistent both before and after you purchase it.
Let’s say that undergraduate A receives a mug and is asked how much money she would require to sell it to undergraduate B. Studies find that undergraduate A will have a much harder time parting with the very same mug that undergraduate B has no attachment to. Now, these students don’t have much experience with real-world markets. So the question is — would those who do have experience in these markets behave differently than their inexperienced undergraduate counterparts?
In his senior research paper, Sean Tamm studied exactly this*. He approached 30 car salespeople and 46 realtors, a population that presumably has much experience with negotiating their maximum willingness to accept (when selling items), as well as with a maximum willingness to pay (when purchasing items). He endowed half of these participants with mugs, and asked the sellers what it would take to sell the mugs and the buyers what it would take to buy the mugs. And despite the extensive real-world market experience of these participants, willingness to accept was about three times higher than willingness to pay, demonstrating that even expert negotiators are susceptible to the endowment effect. This is consistent with previous research, showing an overvaluation of owned goods of about 2.5 times that of unowned goods.
This is just one more example of real-world experience not playing the protective role that we often assume comes with experience. It also suggests that our brains and the way we make decisions are similar, and that for the most part, students are operating under the same constraints as those with much more experience. In the end, we may just have to accept that students are real people (most of the time).
*“Can Real Market Experience Eliminate the Endowment Effect?” by Sean Tamm, Stetson University

The Honest Truth About Dishonesty: How We Lie to Everyone - Especially Ourselves

I would be curious to understand whether these expert negotiators: 1) show endowment effect for their own property in their own domain (e.g. selling their own house or car); 2) show more/less endowment effect as the price of the good increases (causing them to go into negotiator mode rather than owner mode).
“the endowment effect has had puzzled economists for quite some time”
No wonder economics has failed so badly if they are confused by the most basic and obvious human behavior.
You may dismiss it as “basic and obvious” yet I suspect that, like economists, you would not be able to explain why it exists.
We evolved a desire to protect and value our children and to a lesser extent the people in our village because they preserve our genes. The desire to protect, value and even love other things that are close to us was an unintended result.
Of course, you don’t have to explain why it exists to say that it exists. People can feel its pull.
While your explanation seems reasonable, and one could draw parallels with the value of one’s own children/family versus strangers and the impact that has had on human perception of value, I’m going to guess that it falls short of the rigorous explanations economists seek.
If economists sought rigorous explanations the world wouldn’t be in such a mess.
Is there a rigorous explanation for the theory that humans are rational profit maximizers?
Their pursuit of explanations doesn’t guarantee success either in finding the explanations they seek or in better outcomes Ruben. Still, I should hope they are putting more effort into the issues than a couple sentence hypothesis in a blog comment.
Research is always limited by what you can measure. But at the end of the day, populations do matter.
Do students apply the same decision-making behaviors as adults in various fields? I doubt the answer is always yes. Certainly there is some judgement learned through experience, otherwise there’d be no reason to gain experience.
You can’t generalize from one set of studies of behavioral economics to all studies of behavioral economics. Different behaviors may require different levels of experience, and some behaviors may be hardwired or occur because the wrong question is asked.
I’d have to agree with Sarah, behaviors change as the item being valued becomes part of your domain or not, and as the price increases. I bet if you did the same experiment with professional collectible dealers, who are experts at valuing items, you’d get a different result. Car salespeople and realtors are good at selling, not necessarily valuing items.
Experience brings with it a deeper appreciation and intuition for perceived value (as with professional collectors in a specific domain). Still I believe consumer behavior can be successfully generalized in many studies because the target products/services lay outside the experience/expertise of all but a tiny population.
On a different note, it seems sellers consciously overvalue to maximize return (why not ask for 25% over what you believe something is worth and negotiate downward from there?) and buyers deliberately undervalue (even if they have a sense for the actual value) to minimize payout. Might this amplify the endowment effect or is it factored into it?
of course it does ! – Daniel and Tamm sound like people with a theory looking for evidence. The most “aggressive” negotiators are realtors and car salespeople. How would they ever initially “value” a sales price equal to a purchase price. Case re students not made at all !
You absolutely will find the same effect with professional collectible dealers — i.e. sports cards, jerseys, autographs, and the like. I got 30+ years of experience doing thousands of transactions with thousands of dealers.
No need to take my word for it though – ask anyone in the industry.
Econ Major/MBA
Doing a transaction with a dealer is different than asking a dealer to value an item. I’d expect any dealer worth their salt starts asking at a much higher price than they think an item is worth, and when buying starts at a lower price.
Though this may point to another point of research. If price is determined not by how we value an item, but how we’re interacting with a buyer or seller, do cultures that haggle more value items differently in these types of experiments?
That is, if owned goods are worth 2.5 times more than unowned goods, does the same multiple apply when dealing with a culture that starts haggling at much higher multiples? I’d expect to see a stronger effect here.
In which case the issue of value and the issue of how we negotiate may be intertwined.
I agree with Trevor. You can’t generalize with only one specific study. It would depend on the behavior that you are trying to study.
I think that, even thought student population would be in general an adequate pool for research studies, for some others, it won’t. Again, if it worked for this particular study, that doesn’t mean that it would for every other one. “The absence of proof is no proof of absence”. One may even find several studies showing that age and / experience doesn’t mater, but it takes only one to invalidate the generalization.
Maybe it could be just a matter of degree and caution in the considerations.
Also, it is said that the human brain finishes its developing (or maturity) around age 21. So our brains are not the same, say, at 19 than at 30. We even could stretch a little bit, for the sake of explanation, that even with high-school (or even younger) students would be the same.
I wonder how the endowment effect works in yard sales. I see people selling things for 25 cents or a dollar, things for which they presumably paid 50 or more times as much just a few years ago. (of course some of the things they’re selling are gifts that had little to no value to them in the first place.) Maybe yard sales would be an easily accessible and useful place to do some research.
@Dan Ariely
Let’s have two stocks A & B, in which I invest for some returns. Stock A was earlier brought by me and gave me a good return whereas stock B is a new one.
In a scenario where stock A & B returns turnout to be negative (Equally), which stock people would still hold ??
It would be Stock A??
Is it because of the expectation that the stock historically gave me a good return??
My interpretation:
It is mainly because of the value you earned out of the stock earlier makes you to keep the stock!
Value before purchasing a product, would be based on what are the benefits you are going to gain out of it.
The value for a used product would be the value of the benefits it had given earlier + depreciated/appreciated value of the product.
There are aot of things that cannot be ascertained by the tools of behavioral economics. For more models on this please contact Dr Jyoti at jyotisatpathy@gmail.com.
I wonder if there are parallel experiments which distinguish between ‘trading ownership’ and ‘personal ownership’? Do people behave differently if they are selling the mug they use to drink morning coffee compared to selling a mug in a box which is one of 20 they have to sell, which they have never used? Is there a difference when they know that other people are selling into a limited market and personal profit depends on shifting the goods? What factors tip someone’s view of an item from affection to realism?
I’m curious as to why one would expect owned objects to hold only their monetary value. Of the things I own very many of them hold sentimental value, or they remind me (fondly) of a person or a situation, or they were hard to find, or they fit me perfectly, or replacing them would be a hassle because I hate shopping, or they go well with other things I own, or they happen to be what I’m used to using at the moment, and I’m a creature of habit… Their equivalent value in cash has none of these added values. With yard sales the opposite effect comes into bearing. Once you’ve taken the time and trouble to sort through old stuff, decided to part with some of it and bundled it together, actually getting rid of it has value too, great value. And selling it so that it can be re-used and enjoyed by someone else has much greater value than the actual cash you earn.
Could be a combination of uncertainty about the item’s value and loss-aversion.
Could be a way to compensate for transaction costs (which may include the bother of having to go buy a replacement item).
My concern with using college students (and assuming they are a representative sample) is that college admission and attendance requires a certain set of values and skills that not everyone has, and when looking at some behaviors, that may make a difference.
Certainly the next step in the research process would be to test those same subjects on the value of the object which they professionally sell. Perhaps the next step would be to ask one set of Realtors to value their own home and then ask another set to value the homes the other set owns. @Anirudh You bring up another interesting point because this may be the most financially consequential effect of endowment and loss aversion. In fact, this is the field in which I currently work, and I see this effect everyday. The question becomes how to prevent it?
Hi Dan,
Just finished reading your book “un rattional…”
And really learn from it and enjoied..
Shana tova,
Eli amir
Aloneu aba
Israel
Nice Post. It is useful. Thanks. Cheers.
Nice Post. really learn from it and enjoied… Thanks. Cheers.
Isn’t this simply a bid-ask spread. That is if I believe something is truly worth X, I will only sell at X+epsilon and buy at X-epsilon, that is I will not enter into a transaction represents some cost to me (time, effort, thought, risk, etc.) I won’t enter into a transaction without some compensations. Bid-ask spread is not hard to understand. It is not subtle and it is not deep. It is not irrational. Economists are trying to make hay off an obvious concept by relabeling and publishing papers which will only be read by one another.
It’s a compelling idea that this effect derives from good negotiation/ profit maximisation and this may be the case with car salesmen etc
But i’m not sure that translates well into other areas–e.g. An overvaluation of a poor choice of spouse.
I suspect our basic protection instincts are at work here — in this case from humiliation. If we’ve invested in a partner, or a mug–pun intended– or a house or even an idea (like the endowment effect!) we’ll naturally protect ourselves from criticism that arises if we’re seen to undervalue it. Splitting with your partner, changing your beliefs exposes that undervaluation. So we hang on to things–perhaps often knowing they’re not worth it because to sell out would make us look foolish. Surely Political or Religious dogma comes from the same issue? Stupid pride. Anyone for election time.
I’m English BTW so no tricky questions on US politics please.
Which reminded me of when I bought my kayak. They’re expensive, so I did quite a bit of research and narrowed the field down to 3 or 4 different models. Thrilled when I found a massive consumer site with personal reviews of just about every kayak model on the market, and every one of my candidates came out with flying colours. Thrilled until by chance I clicked around on some other models, and found out that practically every kayak reviewed there was given a high score. Meaning either that everybody did such great research that they all ended up with their dream boat (pun intended…), or that there are no bad kayaks on the market (not the case), or that people tended to over-value their so-so purchases, and not review their bad purchases at all. Because they’d look or feel foolish about spending a lot of money on a bad choice?
More cynically, it’s not unknown for manufacturers to load consumer sites with artificial good reviews. The converse is of course to load bad reviews of competitors, something Trip Advisor had problems with. However, bad reviews are more likely to be detected as a result of. Implants from the victims, so the loading of own-product good reviews is a safer strategy.
Nice one. My son calls this “purchase regret” which i guess we all hate. Now off to the shops for that new I phone 5 with the dodgy map system.
Sorry, predictive text problem, ‘implants’ should have been ‘complaints’
The endowment effect.is just “One area where we can test this assumption”, the point is if we can generalize its findings.
I remember one book about nutrition, health and diet that said that at first studies focused only (or mainly) in total cholesterol, mainly because it was easier to measure at that time, before more detailed blood analysis. The author warned that you should take that into consideration. The fact that for some researchers using students for studies is easier, doesn’t necessarily means that they behave exactly as other populations (say older, more experienced or non-students).
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